By Alan Davis
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Extra resources for 15 Studies for Treble Alto Recorder
Getting one’s membership card is not tied to class or race. Membership is automatic if one learns the background information and the linguistic conventions that are needed to read, write, and speak effectively. (22) 38 Race, Rhetoric, and the Contest over Civic Education The language that Hirsch uses to describe national civic identity bears a striking resemblance to Hart’s. Both scholars rely heavily on the criteria of common knowledge (and hence, common culture and experience) for civic membership, while at the same time claiming that conditions of inheritance—such as one’s gender, race, or socio-economic status (which is, in many ways, inherited in spite of the myth of class mobility)—are not prerequisites.
In the promotion of civic responsibility and political leadership, undergraduate education typically centered on three to four years of required rhetoric courses in which students produced written essays and public addresses. Yet, by the turn of the century the classical curriculum had all but 20 Race, Rhetoric, and the Contest over Civic Education disappeared, and English emerged as a new disciplinary formation. 8 As curricular emphases shifted from the production of texts to their consumption, the arrival of literature as an object of formal study inaugurated not only the end of the classical university, but also a dramatic decline in public discourse and the practice of citizenship as a educational imperative.
To be sure, Matthew Frye Jacobson and David Theo Goldberg have also demonstrated how republican and liberal traditions have been complicitous with racialized ideologies and exclusions. For example, Jacobson argues that citizenship was a racially inscribed concept from the start of the new nation. “Political identity, ”he explains, was rendered through “racial identity,” establishing, at least implicitly, a “European political order in the New World” (23). Although most scholars have argued that attempts to build a democracy on both gender and racial exclusion are a profound hypocrisy and a betrayal of democracy’s most sacred principles, Jacobson observes that racial and gendered exclusions cannot be understood as mere inconsistencies in an otherwise liberal political philosophy; on the contrary, racialism is inseparable from—and is, in fact, constitutive of—the ideology of republicanism.
15 Studies for Treble Alto Recorder by Alan Davis